CATHOLICS ARE
CITIZENS, TOO
By Carl
Eifert
Roman
emperors decreed citizens worship certain gods, which included the emperors.
Citizens that
refused – mostly loyal Christians – were put to death, horribly.
No freedom to
exercise one’s choice of religion there.
Later, some
heretical Catholics suffered terrible deaths at the hands of Church
authorities.
Protestants
found themselves hindered because of their beliefs, fled England and later
sailed from Holland to find religious freedom in the New World wilderness.
Similarly the Huguenots. And others.
In some of
the 13 American colonies there was religious freedom, in others it deteriorated
into required worship. In Maryland, founded by Catholics, Catholics found
themselves persecuted after the colonial government approved religious
toleration in the 1600s as had Rhode Island. The first Catholic parish in
Virginia had to await the formation of post-Revolutionary government.
After a
stumbling start, a Constitution followed that scholars say began the end of
divine right of kings and their absolute power. In a preamble, the Framers say
outright that the document is needed to “secure the Blessings of Liberty to
ourselves and our Posterity.”
Authors of
the Bill of Rights, knowing the new government’s powers needed to be
restrained, listed religion as the first right that “We the People” needed in
expanding the Constitution.
The first 16
of the 45 words in the First Amendment prohibit a government religion and
forbid that government disallowing people from using their self-chosen
religions. Those words are: “Congress shall make no law respecting the
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; . . .”
But how are
we to interpret this clause?
To start, it
says Congress should refrain from passing such a law; thus agencies should not
formulate such rules. Interpret the clause as a wall separating church and
state, which prevents moral – read: religious – principles from having any
influence on government? Today, this is the way most journalists read it, at
any rate.
The wall idea
originated in a letter written by President Thomas Jefferson to leaders of the
Danbury Baptists Association who had complained by letter that in Connecticut
their religious liberties were not considered rights but, rather, privileges.
Jefferson
avoided dealing with Connecticut’s rights. He wrote:
“Believing
with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God,
that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the
legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions, I
contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people
which declared that their legislature should ‘make no law respecting an establishment
of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,’ thus building a wall of
separation between Church & State.”
At that point,
Jefferson struck out a sentence which did not appear in his final letter but
which gives an insight into what he meant:
Congress thus inhibited from acts
respecting religion, and the Executive authorized only to execute their acts, I
have refrained from prescribing even those occasional performances of devotion,
practiced indeed by the Executive of another nation as the legal head of its
church, but subject here, as religious exercises only to voluntary regulations
and discipline of each respective sect.
In other words, the
head of the executive branch was saying he would not suggest prayers of
thanksgiving and the like, such as his two predecessors had done from time to
time.
His letter
continued:
“Adhering to this
expression of the supreme will of the nation in behalf of the rights of
conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those
sentiments which tend to restore to man the progress of those sentiments which
tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he had no natural
rights to his social duties.
“I
reciprocate your kind prayers for the protection & blessing of the common
father and creator of man, and tender you for yourselves & your religious
association assurances of my high respect & esteem.”
In short, Jefferson
backed “We the People” in demanding of government their “natural” or God-given
rights; and he closes indicating he, too, believes in God. Of course, we know
that Jefferson’s religion was a rather unconventional Christianity, because he
had many reservations about the supernatural.
Jefferson’s
“wall of separation” was not a legal opinion. Yet, the Supreme Court in the
past has obviously given that wall some reality in the law. No need for
citations; the current dispute is proof enough.
None of the
43 lawsuits filed by Catholic entities against Health and Human Services
regulations mandating that those entities pay for insurance coverage of
contraceptives, abortion, sterilization and abortifacients has yet been argued.
Whether any of them will be reviewed by the Supreme Court cannot be known. Yet
with decisions possible in 12 lower courts, the likelihood of the high court
eventually ruling is very possible. Wheaton College, a top Protestant
institution situated in Illinois, has joined one of the Catholic cases, because
of the requirement to insure the supply of abortion-inducing drugs, although
the college does not object to some contraceptives.
Catholic
officials insist that the issue concerns religious liberty and freedom of
conscience and only incidentally involves “women’s rights,” as supporters of
HHS contend. Although many Catholics are known to have taken the pill and aborted
babies, that is outside the core of these lawsuits. Similarly irrelevant is the
fact that the Catholic Church once preached against Caesarian section and now
does not.
Free will,
which the Church teaches and holds dear, probably will not be argued in court,
but it should be. Moral liberty is
free will. Human beings have the power to form thoughts, to decide their
motives. This divine gift is subverted when outside agents such as government
can coerce actions that are contrary to a citizen’s will, which normally would
follow conscience. One’s will is thwarted when the government tries to chain
it. Free will allows one to choose to act in a way true to his religion.
A sure bet is
that Jefferson’s “wall” will be at the core of the litigation.
Catholic arguments
will interpret the First Amendment as holding that the purpose of prohibiting a
state religion is to permit individuals to freely practice whatever religion
they might choose. Free exercise could not exist if the state established but
one religion and how it should be practiced by its citizens.
Because the
amended Constitution forbids a state religion, it implicitly recognizes the
existence of religion in public life and thus must acknowledge it cannot
interfere with religion or how it is practiced. Free practice is part and
parcel of non-establishment.
Could the
Constitution’s writers have called for free exercise of religion without
banning a state religion? Not logically. Had they wished to retain Anglicanism
– or some other belief – as the state religion, then permitting citizens to
practice the religion of their choices would be contradictory. Conceivably some
arrangements could have been made for such co-existence, but difficulties would
have arisen.
Such
difficulties have arisen in the United States in the past with controversies
over courthouse crèches and displays of the Ten Commandments, and crucifixes in
classrooms. Yet the current HHS regulations add another dimension to the
struggle.
Secularism as
the state-mandated creed is that dimension.
There seems
to be little difference between state-sponsored Anglicanism in Virginia in 1770
and state-sponsored secularism in 2012. Both use the machinery of the state to
promote a certain view of the universe. Governmental embrace of secularism
seeks to improve human experience through material means. The spiritual
dimension, embraced by so many citizens, is completely brushed aside by the
regulators. They, in effect, deny spiritual/material tension. Would they deny
the abstract/concrete reality? Hardly. These
opposites encompass philosophy. Abstraction and concreteness are the stuff of
making policy. Our remarkable Constitution might not have been conceived
without them.
Catholic
authorities object to the HHS regulations because spiritual values affect human
actions. The Constitution protects the exercise
of religion, not just worship. Spiritual values are put into action or
suppressed through conscience. How can a religious organization be forced to
buy insurance that covers contraceptives when those leading it find
contraception conflicts with their consciences formed through their free wills?
They are not proselytizing by taking that stand; they are acting out their
prerogatives under law and precedent.
Jefferson’s
letter speaks of the “supreme will of the nation in behalf of the rights of
conscience . . .” The Connecticut Baptists were objecting to their religious
liberties being considered privileges rather than rights. HHS’s rules to carry
out the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“Obamacare”) show that the
department and the administration consider the rights of Catholic hospitals and
schools and other church organizations to be privileges. A privilege is forbearance,
not a right.
American
Catholics through their service units do more than worship. Hospital
authorities, for example, do not worship God when their institutions provide
health services – often gratis – to patients. But they do exercise their
underlying religious rights in how they supply those services. They do not
permit abortions in their hospitals, to cite the obvious.
Officials of
Catholic service agencies cannot in good conscience supply, even indirectly,
contraceptives for Catholic or non-Catholic employees. The HHS regulations, it
would seem, don’t affect a Catholic praying that more people respect the
Church’s teaching that coitus, meant only for the married, should not involve
methods to avoid new life. Yet that agency would keep that same Catholic from
legally acting on those teachings when buying insurance.
Catholic
bishops urged a “Fortnight for Freedom” for prayer and activities to call
attention to the need to protect religious liberty. That move by the United
States Conference of Catholic Bishops was likened to a “Fortnight to Defeat
Barack Obama” by a Washington Post columnist, who suggested that might call
into question the Church’s tax exemption. Appearances by Democratic politicians
in African-American pulpits have not provoked similar suggestions.
It should be
noted – though certainly not part of a logical argument – that Catholics are
very much citizens of the United States of America and not of the Vatican. Yes,
some Catholics do not attend Sunday Mass. But Catholics may be the most
numerous religious group in the country (the second largest or maybe even
larger, are “fallen away” Catholics). Catholics traditionally represent more
than their population percentage in the military that defends this country and its
Constitution. Catholics are highly represented in the Congress and in the
courts, and one was elected president. Catholic patriotism cannot be ignored. Catholics
are not hyphenated citizens.
Catholics should
not be ashamed but proud that they are willing to press for their God-given and
constitutionally guaranteed religious liberty. As politicians are wont to say
in concluding speeches: God Bless America!
No comments:
Post a Comment